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FRELIMO

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FRELIMO Party
Partido FRELIMO
AbbreviationFRELIMO
LeaderFilipe Nyusi
Secretary-GeneralRoque Silva Samuel
Founders
Founded25 June 1962 (1962-06-25)
Merger ofMANU, UDENAMO and UNAMI
HeadquartersDar es Salaam (1962–1975)
Maputo (1975–present)
Youth wingMozambican Youth Organisation
Women's wingMozambican Women Organisation
Veterans' groupAssociation of Combatants of the National Liberation Struggle
Membership (2023)4,000,000[1]
Ideology
Political positionLeft-wing[2]
Historical:
Far-left
International affiliationSocialist International
African affiliationFormer Liberation Movements of Southern Africa
Colours  Red
Slogan"Unity, Criticism, Unity"[3]
Assembly of the Republic
184 / 250
SADC PF
0 / 5
Pan-African Parliament
0 / 5
Website
www.frelimo.org.mz

FRELIMO (Portuguese pronunciation: [fɾɛˈlimu]; from Portuguese: Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, transl. Mozambique Liberation Front[a]) is a democratic socialist political party in Mozambique. It has governed the country since its independence from Portugal in 1975.

Founded in 1962, FRELIMO began as a nationalist movement fighting for the self-determination and independence of Mozambique from Portuguese colonial rule. During its anti-colonial struggle, FRELIMO managed to maintain friendly relations with both the Soviet Union and China, and received military and economic assistance from both. Independence was achieved in June 1975 after the Carnation Revolution in Lisbon the previous year. FRELIMO formally became a political party during its 3rd Party Congress in February 1977, and adopted Marxism–Leninism as its official ideology and FRELIMO Party (Partido FRELIMO) as its official name.

FRELIMO has been the ruling party of Mozambique since then, initially as the sole legal party in a one-party system and later as the democratically elected government in a multi-party system. FRELIMO fought a protracted civil war from 1976 to 1992 against the anti-communist Mozambican National Resistance or RENAMO. RENAMO received support from the then white minority governments of Rhodesia and South Africa. FRELIMO approved a new national constitution in 1990, which ended one-party rule and established a multi-party system. FRELIMO has since become the dominant party in Mozambique and has won a majority of the seats in the Assembly of the Republic in every election since the country's first multi-party election in 1994.

History

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War of independence (1964–1974)

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Main article: Mozambican War of Independence
The first flag of FRELIMO used from September 1974 to June 1975

After World War II, while many European nations were granting independence to their colonies, Portugal, under the Estado Novo regime, maintained that Mozambique and other Portuguese possessions were overseas territories of the metropole (mother country). Emigration to the colonies soared. Calls for Mozambican independence developed rapidly, and in 1962 several anti-colonial political groups formed FRELIMO. In September 1964, it initiated an armed campaign against Portuguese colonial rule. Portugal had ruled Mozambique for more than four hundred years; not all Mozambicans desired independence, and fewer still sought change through armed revolution.

FRELIMO was founded in Dar es Salaam, Tanganyika, on 25 June 1962, when three regionally based nationalist organizations: the Mozambican African National Union (MANU), National Democratic Union of Mozambique (UDENAMO), and the National African Union of Independent Mozambique (UNAMI) merged into one broad-based guerrilla movement. Under the leadership of Eduardo Mondlane, who was elected president of the newly formed organization, FRELIMO settled its headquarters in 1963 in Dar es Salaam.[4] Uria Simango was its first vice-president.

The movement could not then be based in Mozambique as the Portuguese opposed nationalist movements and the colony was controlled by the police. (The three founding groups had also operated as exiles.) Tanzania and its president, Julius Nyerere, were sympathetic to the Mozambican nationalist groups. Convinced by recent events, such as the Mueda massacre, that peaceful agitation would not bring about independence, FRELIMO contemplated the possibility of armed struggle from the outset. It launched its first offensive in September 1964.

During the ensuing war of independence, FRELIMO received support from the Soviet Union,[5] China,[5] the Scandinavian countries, and some non-governmental organisations in the West. The mobilization of all, regardless of gender, motivated the initial inclusion of women into the war.[6] Initially women were used to carry goods from Tanzania, but over time they were tasked with "making the first contacts with the population in a new area."[7] Women were expected to engage with the locals and politicize them. This discourse helped legitimize female cadres as real revolutionaries.

Frelimo founded the Women's Detachment, a part of the Department of Defense, as a way to encourage the mobilization of women and enlarge Frelimo's support.[8] Women cadres brought "a new and decisive force to the revolutionary struggle."[9]

Frelimo's initial military operations were in the North of the country; by the late 1960s it had established "liberated zones" in Northern Mozambique in which it, rather than the Portuguese, constituted the civil authority. In administering these zones, FRELIMO worked to improve the lot of the peasantry in order to receive their support. As liberated areas grew, colonial governmental structures were replaced, as Frelimo activists and local chiefs assumed roles of authority. Traditional leaders were accustomed to controlling “the productive and reproductive capacity of women.”[10] They “rejected women’s rights to participate in armed struggle and defended the bride price system, child marriage and polygamy.”[11] These traditional practices “were all viewed as incompatible with the tenets of revolutionary society.”[12] Over time, traditional power structures were delegitimized by their association with Portuguese colonization and their inability to accommodate key components of revolutionary ideology.[13] Frelimo encouraged the creation of collectives and greatly increased peasant access to education and healthcare. Often FRELIMO soldiers were assigned to medical assistance projects.

Its members' practical experiences in the liberated zones resulted in the FRELIMO leadership increasingly moving towards a Marxist policy. FRELIMO came to regard economic exploitation by Western capital as the principal enemy of the common Mozambican people, not the Portuguese as such, and not Europeans in general. Although it was an African nationalist party, it adopted a non-racial stance. Numerous white people were members.

The war of liberation was viewed as a rejection of “obstructionist, traditional-feudal and capitalist practices.”[14] The transformation of “social and economic relations” had significant implications for women.[15] Women’s liberation was “not an act of charity,” but rather “a fundamental necessity for the revolution, the guarantee of its continuity and the precondition to its victory.”[16] This perspective recognizes the immense labor force that women constitute. Frelimo acknowledged that women’s involvement in the formal economy would result in an economically stronger Mozambique. The population was encouraged to view women’s emancipation as vital to the amelioration of Mozambique’s society.

The early years of the party, during which its Marxist direction evolved, were times of internal turmoil. Mondlane, along with Marcelino dos Santos, Samora Machel, Joaquim Chissano and a majority of the Party's Central Committee promoted the struggle not just for independence but to create a socialist society. The 2nd Party Congress, held in July 1968, approved the socialist goals. Mondlane was reelected party President and Uria Simango was re-elected vice-president.

After Mondlane's assassination in February 1969, Uria Simango took over the leadership, but his presidency was disputed. In April 1969, leadership was assumed by a triumvirate, with Machel and Marcelino dos Santos supplementing Simango. After several months, in November 1969, Machel and dos Santos ousted Simango from FRELIMO. Simango left FRELIMO and joined the small Revolutionary Committee of Mozambique (COREMO) liberation movement.

FRELIMO established some "liberated" zones (countryside zones with native rural populations controlled by FRELIMO guerrillas) in Northern Mozambique. The movement grew in strength during the ensuing decade. As FRELIMO's political campaign gained coherence, its forces advanced militarily, controlling one-third of the area of Mozambique by 1969, mostly in the northern and central provinces. It was not able to gain control of the cities located inside the "liberated" zones but established itself firmly in the rural regions.

In 1970 the guerrilla movement suffered heavy losses as Portugal launched its ambitious Gordian Knot Operation (Operação Nó Górdio), which was masterminded by General Kaúlza de Arriaga of the Portuguese Army. By the early 1970s, FRELIMO's 7,000-strong guerrilla force had opened new fronts in central and northern Mozambique.

The April 1974 "Carnation Revolution" in Portugal overthrew the Portuguese Estado Novo regime, and the country turned against supporting the long and draining colonial war in Mozambique, Angola and Guinea-Bissau. Portugal and FRELIMO negotiated Mozambique's independence, which resulted in a transitional government until official independence from Portugal in June 1975.

FRELIMO established a one-party state based on socialist principles, with Samora Machel re-elected as President of FRELIMO and subsequently the First President of the People's Republic of Mozambique. The new government first received diplomatic recognition, economic and military support from Cuba and the Socialist Bloc countries. Marcelino dos Santos became vice-president of FRELIMO and the central committee was expanded.[17]

At the same time FRELIMO had to deal with various small political parties that sprung up and were now contesting for control of Mozambique with FRELIMO along with the reaction of white settlers. Prominent groups included FICO ("I stay" in Portuguese) and the "Dragons of Death" which directly clashed with FRELIMO.[18] Government forces moved in and quickly smashed these movements and arrested various FRELIMO dissidents and Portuguese collaborators who were involved in FICO, the Dragons and other political entities that conspired or aligned against FRELIMO. These included prominent dissidents such as Uria Simango, his wife Celina, Paulo Gumane, Lazaro Nkavandame and Adelino Gwambe.[19]

Marxist–Leninist period (1975–1989)

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Main article: Mozambican Civil War
FRELIMO 3rd Party Congress poster (1977)

Mozambique's national anthem from 1975 to 1992 was "Viva, Viva a FRELIMO" (English: "Long Live FRELIMO").

Immediately after independence, Mozambique and FRELIMO faced extraordinarily tough circumstances. The country was bankrupt with almost all of its skilled workforce fleeing or already fled, a 95% illiteracy rate[20] and a brewing counter-revolutionary movement known as the "Mozambique National Resistance" (RENAMO) was beginning its first strikes against key government infrastructure with the assistance of Ian Smith's Rhodesia.[21] As the RENAMO movement grew in strength, FRELIMO and RENAMO began clashing directly in what would quickly turn into the deadly Mozambican Civil War which did not end until 1992.

Large steps had already been taken towards the construction of a Mozambican socialist society by time of the 3rd Party Congress in February 1977, including the nationalisation of the land, many agricultural, industrial and commercial enterprises, rented housing, the banks, health and education.

FRELIMO transformed itself into a Marxist-Leninist vanguard party of the worker-peasant alliance at the congress.[22] The congress laid down firmly that the political and economic guidelines for the development of the economy and the society would be for the benefit of all Mozambicans.[23] FRELIMO was also restructured extensively, the central committee expanding to over 200 members and the transformation of FRELIMO from a front into a formal political party, adopting the name "Partido FRELIMO" (FRELIMO Party).[24]

FRELIMO began extensive programs for economic development, healthcare and education. Healthcare and Education became free and universal to all Mozambicans and the government begun a mass program of immunisations which was praised by the World Health Organisation (WHO) as one of the most successful ever initiated in Africa. The scheme reached over 90% of the Mozambican Population in the first five years and led to a 20% drop in infant mortality rates.[25][26] Illiteracy rates dropped from 95% in 1975 to 73% in 1978. Those who were previously denied access to education because of class, gender, or race were exposed to education.[27] Frelimo’s dedication to accessible education had long-lasting consequences as previously marginalized groups, such as women, were able to engage intellectually and be involved in formal political and economic structures for the first time.[28]

Despite the difficult situation and economic chaos the Mozambican economy grew appreciably from the period of 1977–1983.[29]

1987 Soviet stamps commemorating 25 years since the founding of FRELIMO and 10 years of USSR-Mozambique relations

However, some serious setbacks occurred, with particular force in the years 1982–1984. Neighbouring states, firstly Rhodesia and then South Africa, made direct armed incursions and promoted the growing RENAMO insurgency which continued to carry out economic sabotage and terrorism against the population.[30] Natural disasters compounded the already devastating situation, with large scale floods in some regions from Tropical Storm Domoina in 1984, followed by extensive droughts.[31]

Some of FRELIMO's more ambitious policies also caused further stress to the economy. Particularly FRELIMO's agricultural policy from 1977–1983 which placed heavy emphasis on state farms and neglected smaller peasant and community farms caused discontent among many peasant farmers and led to a reduction in production.[32] At the 4th Party Congress in 1984 FRELIMO acknowledged its mistakes in the economic field and adopted a new set of directives and plans,[29] reversing their previous positions and promoting more peasant and communal based farming projects over the larger state farms, many of which were either dismantled or shrunk.[33]

As the war with RENAMO intensified much of the improvements to healthcare, education and basic infrastructure by FRELIMO were wiped out.[34] Agriculture fell into disarray as farms were burnt and farmers fled into the cities for safety, industrial production slowed as many workers were conscripted into battle against RENAMO and frequent raids against key roads and railways caused economic chaos across the country.[35][page needed] FRELIMO's focus rapidly shifted from socialist construction to maintaining a basic level of infrastructure and protecting the towns and cities as best they could. Despite small scale reforms in the party and state and the growing war Machel continued to maintain a hardline Marxist–Leninist stance and refused to negotiate with RENAMO.

Graça and Samora Machel hosting Romanian Communist leader Nicolae Ceauşescu, Maputo, 1979

In 1986 while returning from a meeting with Zaire and Malawi, President Samora Machel died in a suspicious airplane crash many blamed on the apartheid regime in Pretoria. In the immediate aftermath the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of FRELIMO assumed the duties of President of FRELIMO and President of Mozambique until a successor could be elected.[36][page needed] Joaquim Alberto Chissano was elected as the President of FRELIMO and was inaugurated as the Second President of the People's Republic of Mozambique on 6 November 1986. Despite being considered a "Moderate Marxist"[37] Chissano initially maintained Machel's hardline stance against RENAMO but begun economic reforms with the adoption of The World Bank and IMF's "Economic Rehabilitation Program" (ERP) in September 1987.[38] By 1988 Chissano had relented on his hardliner position and begun seeking third party negotiations with RENAMO to end the conflict.

In 1989 at the 5th Party Congress, FRELIMO officially dropped all references to Marxism–Leninism and class struggle from its party directives and documents,[39] and democratic socialism was adopted as the official ideology of FRELIMO while talks continued with RENAMO to broker a ceasefire.[40][41][42]

Movement towards democratic socialism (1989–2000)

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Former flag of FRELIMO from 1997 to 2004

With the removal of the final vestiges of Marxism from FRELIMO at the 5th Party Congress, greater economic reform programs commenced with the help of the World Bank, IMF and various international donors. FRELIMO also believed it needed to reduce all traces of socialist influence, this resulted in the removal of hardline Marxists such as Sergio Viera, Jorge Rebelo and Marcelino dos Santos from positions of power and influence within the party. Additionally FRELIMO begun to revise the history of the Mozambican War of Independence to distort it to suit FRELIMO's new, contradictory pro-capitalist beliefs.[43]

In 1990 a revised constitution was adopted which introduced a multi-party system to Mozambique and ended one-party rule. The revisions also removed all references to socialism from the constitution and resulted in the People's Republic of Mozambique being renamed to the Republic of Mozambique.[44]

The civil war conflict continued under a lessened pace until 1992 when the Rome General Peace Accords was signed. United Nations' peacekeeping operation started in 1992 and ended in 1994, helping to end the civil war.[45][better source needed] With the end of the civil war elections were scheduled for 1994 under the new pluralistic system. FRELIMO and RENAMO campaigned heavily for the elections. FRELIMO ultimately won the elections with 53.3% of the vote with an 88% voter turnout.[46] RENAMO contested the election results and threatened to return to violence, however, under both internal and external pressure RENAMO eventually accepted the results.

In 1992 Frelimo implemented a voluntary quota system like many other "post-conflict countries that had left-leaning parties in power with longstanding commitments to gender equality."[47] Frelimo’s quota system requires that 30% of the candidates running for the National Assembly under Frelimo’s leadership must be women. There is “equal distribution of women’s names (every third name is a woman’s) through the candidate lists.” Equal distribution on lists are called “zebra lists” and this type of list has proven to be important to the success of quota systems.[48] The adoption of the quota system has resulted in steady growth since its implementation. In 1994 women made up 26% of the national parliament, in 1999 they made up 30%, and in 2004, women won 35%, in 2015 women won 40% of the parliamentary seats.[49] Mozambique is ranked twelfth in the world and fourth in Africa for women’s involvement in its national parliament.[50][51]

Throughout the mid to late 1990s, FRELIMO moved towards democratic socialist views (officially adopting it at the 10th Party Congress[52]), as further liberalisation continued the government received further support and aid from countries such as the United Kingdom and United States. Mozambique became a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, despite not being a former British colony, for its role in ensuring the independence of Zimbabwe in 1980.[40]

In the 1999 general election, Chissano was re-elected as President of Mozambique with 52.3% of the vote, while FRELIMO secured 133 of 250 parliamentary seats.[46]

21st century

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A section of the crowd at its final campaign rally for the 2014 election.
FRELIMO's Secretary for Administration and Finance Esperança Bias with Chairman of the State Duma Vyacheslav Volodin in Moscow, Russia, 26 April 2023

In early 2001 Chissano announced his intention to not stand for the 2004 presidential election, although the constitution permitted him to do so.

In 2002, during its 8th Congress, the party selected Armando Guebuza as its candidate for the presidential election held on 1–2 December 2004. As expected given FRELIMO's majority status, he won, gaining about 60% of the vote. At the legislative elections of the same date, the party won 62.0% of the popular vote and 160 of 250 seats in the national assembly.

RENAMO and some other opposition parties made claims of election fraud and denounced the result. International observers (among others, members of the European Union Election Observation Mission to Mozambique and the Carter Center) supported these claims, criticizing the National Electoral Commission (CNE) for failing to conduct fair and transparent elections. They listed numerous cases of improper conduct by the electoral authorities that benefited FRELIMO. However, the EU observers concluded that the elections shortcomings probably did not affect the presidential election's final result.

Foreign support

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FRELIMO has received support[clarification needed] from the governments of Tanzania, South Africa, Algeria, Ghana, Zambia, Libya, Sweden,[53] Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Cuba, China, the Soviet Union,[54] Egypt, SFR Yugoslavia[55] and Somalia.[56]

Mozambican presidents representing FRELIMO

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Other prominent members

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Electoral history

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Presidential elections

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Election Party candidate Votes % Result
1994 Joaquim Chissano 2,633,740 53.30% Elected Green tickY
1999 2,338,333 52.29% Elected Green tickY
2004 Armando Guebuza 2,004,226 63.74% Elected Green tickY
2009 2,974,627 75.01% Elected Green tickY
2014 Filipe Nyusi 2,778,497 57.03% Elected Green tickY
2019 4,639,172 73.46% Elected Green tickY
2024 Daniel Chapo 4,912,762 70.67% Elected Green tickY

Assembly elections

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Election Party leader Votes % Seats +/− Position Result
1977 Samora Machel
210 / 210
 Increase 210 Increase 1st Sole legal party
1986 Joaquim Chissano
249 / 259
 Increase 39 Steady 1st Sole legal party
1994 2,115,793 44.3%
129 / 250
 Decrease 120 Steady 1st Majority government
1999 2,005,713 48.5%
133 / 250
 Increase 4 Steady 1st Majority government
2004 Armando Guebuza 1,889,054 62.0%
160 / 250
 Increase 27 Steady 1st Majority government
2009 2,907,335 74.7%
191 / 250
 Increase 31 Steady 1st Supermajority government
2014 Filipe Nyusi 2,575,995 55.9%
144 / 250
 Decrease 47 Steady 1st Majority government
2019 4,323,298 71.3%
184 / 250
 Increase 40 Steady 1st Supermajority government
2024 Filipe Nyusi 195 / 250 Increase 11 Steady 1st Supermajority government

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ Also translated as the Mozambican Liberation Front or Liberation Front of Mozambique.

References

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  1. ^ "Guerra entre camaradas da Frelimo chega à Justiça". Voice of America (in Portuguese). 15 August 2023.
  2. ^ Azevedo, Desirée de Lemos (1 October 2012). "Trajetórias militantes: do Brasil a Moçambique nas redes da esquerda internacional" [Militant trajectories: from Brazil to Mozambique in the networks of the international left]. Etnográfica. Revista do Centro em Rede de Investigação em Antropologia (in Portuguese). 16 (3): 461–486. doi:10.4000/etnografica.2085. ISSN 0873-6561. Retrieved 13 August 2021.
  3. ^ "Election of FRELIMO Candidate Goes Into the Night". Mozambique News Agency. 1 March 2014. Retrieved 9 June 2014.
  4. ^ "Dar-es-Salaam once a home for revolutionaries". sundayworld.co.za. 29 April 2014. Archived from the original on 26 June 2017. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
  5. ^ a b Abegunrin, Olayiwola; Manyeruke, Charity (2020). China's Power in Africa: A New Global Order. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 86–88.
  6. ^ Isaacman & Isaacman 1983, p. 91.
  7. ^ Munslow 1983, p. 122.
  8. ^ Disney, Jennifer (2008). Women's Activism and Feminist Agency in Mozambique and Nicaragua. Philadelphia: Temple Press. p. 49.
  9. ^ Munslow 1983, p. 134.
  10. ^ Newitt, Malyn (1994). A History of Mozambique. C Hurst & Co Publishers. p. 546. ISBN 978-1850651727.
  11. ^ Munslow 1983, p. 106.
  12. ^ Cabrita, Mozambique: The Tortuous Road to Democracy (New York: Palgrave, 2000), 116.
  13. ^ Isaacman & Isaacman 1983, p. 107.
  14. ^ Cabrita, Mozambique: The Tortuous Road to Democracy, 116.
  15. ^ Hanlon, Joseph (1991). Mozambique: Who Calls the Shots?. James Currey. p. 12. ISBN 978-0852553466.
  16. ^ Samora Machel as quoted in Stephanie Urdang, The Last Transition? Women and Development in Mozambique, 90.
  17. ^ Machel, Samora (1974). Unidade, Trabalho, Vigilância [Unity, Work, Surveillance] (in Portuguese). Imprensa Nacional de Moçambique.
  18. ^ Unknown Author, "Mozambique Radio Seized by Ex‐Portuguese Soldiers" The New York Times, 7 September 1974
  19. ^ Cabrita, J. (2001). Mozambique: A Tortuous Road to Democracy. New York: Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-333-92001-5.
  20. ^ Mouzinho, Mario (2006). Literacy in Mozambique: education for all challenges. UNESCO.
  21. ^ Various, Comissão de Implementação dos Conselhos de Produção 1977
  22. ^ Rupiya, Martin. "Historical context: War and Peace in Mozambique". Conciliation Resources. Archived from the original on 18 December 2022.
  23. ^ Directivas Económicas e Sociais Documentos do III Congresso da FRELIMO, 1977
  24. ^ Samora Machel, O Partido e as Classes Trabalhadoras Moçambicanas na Edificação da Democracia Popular Documentos do III Congresso da FRELIMO, 1977
  25. ^ Madeley, R.; Jelley, D.; O'Keefe, P. (August 1984). "The Advent of Primary Health Care in Mozambique". World Hospitals. 20 (3): 13–17. PMID 10268477.
  26. ^ Ferrinho, P.; Omar, C. (2006). The Human Resources for Health Situation in Mozambique. Africa Region Human Development Working Paper Series. The World Bank.
  27. ^ Isaacman & Isaacman 1983, p. 93.
  28. ^ Deo, Nandini (2012). "Women's Activism and feminist Agency in Mozambique and Nicaragua". New Political Science. 34 (1): 140. doi:10.1080/07393148.2012.646026. S2CID 144995760.
  29. ^ a b Directivas Económicas e Sociais da 4 Congresso FRELIMO, Colecção 4 Congresso FRELIMO, 1983
  30. ^ Hanlon, Joseph (1986). Beggar Your Neighbours: Apartheid Power in Southern Africa. James Currey. ISBN 978-0852553053.
  31. ^ Kamm, Henry (18 November 1984). "Deadly Famine in Mozambique called Inevitable". The New York Times.
  32. ^ Roesch, Otto (1988). "Rural Mozambique since the Frelimo Party Fourth Congress". Review of African Political Economy. 15 (41): 73–91. doi:10.1080/03056248808703764.
  33. ^ Bowen, Merle L. (1989). "Peasant Agriculture in Mozambique". Canadian Journal of African Studies. 23 (3). Taylor & Francis: 355–379. doi:10.2307/485183. JSTOR 485183.
  34. ^ Bob and Amy Coen, "Mozambique: The Struggle for Survival" Video Africa, 1987
  35. ^ Fauvet, Paul (2003). Carlos Cardoso: Telling the Truth in Mozambique. Double Storey Books.
  36. ^ Christie, Iain (1988). Machel of Mozambique. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House.
  37. ^ "Moderate Marxist Succeeds Machel in Mozambique". Associated Press. 3 November 1986.
  38. ^ Dez meses depois do PRE, é encorajador crescimento atingido, considera Ministro Osman, Notícias, 14 October 1987
  39. ^ Directivas Económicas e Sociais da 5 Congresso FRELIMO, Colecção 5 Congresso FRELIMO, 1989
  40. ^ a b Simpson, Mark (1993). "Foreign and Domestic Factors in the Transformation of Frelimo". The Journal of Modern African Studies. 31 (2): 310. doi:10.1017/S0022278X00011952. ISSN 0022-278X. JSTOR 161007. S2CID 153449070. Retrieved 12 March 2021.
  41. ^ Munslow, Barry (1990). "Marxism-Leninism in reverse, the Fifth Congress of FRELIMO". Journal of Communist Studies. doi:10.1080/13523279008415011.
  42. ^ Simões Reis, Guilherme (8 July 2012). "The Political-Ideological Path of FRELIMO in Mozambique, from 1962 to 2012" (PDF). ipsa.org. p. 9. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 16 October 2014.
  43. ^ Dinerman, Alice (September 2007). "Independence redux in postsocialist Mozambique". IPRI Revista Relações Internacionais (15).
  44. ^ "Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique"], Assembleia Popular, 1990
  45. ^ "Mozambique". Mozambique | Communist Crimes. Retrieved 29 October 2020.
  46. ^ a b "Elections in Mozambique". African elections database. Archived from the original on 24 May 2024.
  47. ^ Tripp, Aili Mari (2015). Women and Power in Postconflict Africa. Cambridge University Press. p. 198. doi:10.1017/CBO9781316336014. ISBN 9781316336014.
  48. ^ Bauer, “The Fast Track to Parliament: Comparing Electoral Gender Quotas in Eastern and Southern Africa,” 15.
  49. ^ Powell, Anita (12 January 2015). "Mozambique's New Parliament Faces 'Political Crisis". VOA. Retrieved 16 April 2017.
  50. ^ "Proportion of Seats Held by Women in National Parliaments". World Bank. Retrieved 15 April 2017.
  51. ^ "World Classification". Women in International Parliaments. Retrieved 15 April 2017.
  52. ^ "Programa do Partido aprovado pelo 10 congreso" [Party program approved by the 10th congress]. www.frelimo.org.mz (in European Portuguese). FRELIMO. Archived from the original on 28 December 2021. Retrieved 12 March 2021. Nós, a FRELIMO, Partido de moçambicanos e para moçambicanos, guiamo-nos pelos princípios do socialismo democrático ... [We, FRELIMO, Party of Mozambicans and for Mozambicans, are guided by the principles of democratic socialism ...]
  53. ^ Rui Mateus. "Wiariamu e as ajudas da Suécia à FRELIMO". Moçambique para todos.
  54. ^ Telepneva, Natalia (2 January 2017). "Mediators of Liberation: Eastern-Bloc Officials, Mozambican Diplomacy and the Origins of Soviet Support for Frelimo, 1958–1965". Journal of Southern African Studies. 43 (1): 67–81. doi:10.1080/03057070.2017.1265314. ISSN 0305-7070. S2CID 151927659.
  55. ^ Southern Africa: The Escalation of a Conflict. University of Michigan. 1976. p. 99.
  56. ^ FRELIMO. Departamento de Informação e Propaganda, Mozambique revolution, Page 10

Bibliography

[edit]
  • Isaacman, Allen; Isaacman, Barbara (1983). Mozambique: From Colonialism to Revolution, 1900–1982. Westview Press.
  • Munslow, Barry (1983). Mozambique: The Revolution and its Origins. Longman. ISBN 978-0582643925.

Further reading

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  • Basto, Maria-Benedita, "Writing a Nation or Writing a Culture? Frelimo and Nationalism During the Mozambican Liberation War" in Eric Morier-Genoud (ed.) Sure Road? Nationalisms in Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique (Leiden: Brill, 2012).
  • Bowen, Merle. The State Against the Peasantry: Rural Struggles in Colonial and Postcolonial Mozambique. Charlottesville, Virginia: University Press Of Virginia, 2000.
  • Derluguian, Georgi, "The Social Origins of Good and Bad Governance: Re-interpreting the 1968 Schism in Frelimo" in Eric Morier-Genoud (ed.) Sure Road? Nationalisms in Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique (Leiden: Brill, 2012).
  • Morier-Genoud, Eric, “Mozambique since 1989: Shaping democracy after Socialism” in A.R.Mustapha & L.Whitfield (eds), Turning Points in African Democracy (Oxford: James Currey, 2009), pp. 153–166
  • Opello, Walter C. "Pluralism and elite conflict in an independence movement: FRELIMO in the 1960s", Journal of Southern African Studies, Volume 2, Issue 1, 1975
  • Simpson, Mark, "Foreign and Domestic Factors in the Transformation of Frelimo", Journal of Modern African Studies, Volume 31, no.02, June 1993, pp 309–337
  • Sumich, Jason, "The Party and the State: Frelimo and Social Stratification in Post-socialist Mozambique", Development and Change, Volume 41, no. 4, July 2010, pp. 679–698
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